kalter Kaffee.Linus hat geschrieben:Er will Toleranz.
hat er sich bereits ausgeheult oder kommt noch was?
Über was sollen wir mit dir Disputieren? Über den glänzenden Lack den du nus präsentierst, über das Gold der Oberfläche?Einige Ausführungen hier, insbesondere die des "Cosimo", lassen in der Tat die Frage immer deutlicher werden, wer hier eigentlich einer Sekte angehört. .... Toleranz, Mitmenschlichkeit, Nächstenliebe etc., das sind alles Fremdwörter für Euch. .....Ich muss wirklich sagen, ich bin ganz schwer enttäuscht, dass in einem "Diskussions"-Forum wie diesem hier, fast niemand in der Lage ist über solche Dinge zu diskutieren, ohne gleich eine "teuflische Brut" erblickt zu haben und seine Mitmenschen zu beleidigen und zu beschimpfen. Dahingehend können die meistren hier noch einiges von der freimaurerei lernen- UND vom christlichen Glauben, dessen Werte Ihr offensichtlich nie begriffen habt.
"Buuuääääh, der Papst hat aber gesagt die Freimaurer sind böse..."
Es geht nicht um die Werte die sind die Oberfläche, das Banner das ihr vor euch hertragt und ja diesen kann man großteils nicht widersprechen. Aber wie du schon im Vortext selbst schriebst.----------------Es geht um den Keim der in euch schlummert über den Trieb unter eurer Oberfläche. ----------------------
Welchen Trieb oder falschen Keim haben wir denn? Wenn ich argumentiere, heißt es "Das ist doch alles nur Täuschung". Welche Hinweise habt Ihr denn auf vermeintlich andere Beweggründe? Natürlich ist nicht jeder Freimaurer Christ, aber jeder Freimaurer teilt Werte, die den christlichen Werten nicht widersprechen - im Gegenteil.
Also relativieren "Alte Freie und angenommene Maurer" den Glauben bzw. hegen einen Sykretismus, und Gleichzeitig sind sie ebenso wie deine Loge im VGLvD damit hängt ihr alle wenn auch indirekt mit drinnen und akzeptriert diese Meinung hierbei gehts nicht um einen geringen Unterschied sondern um einen Gewaltigen.Dennoch liegen die Vorwürfe der Bischofskonferenz - beim AfuaM-Ritual - richtig, wenn gesagt wird, man verzichte - Zitat - auf die Dreieinigkeit und habe somit den Boden des Christentums verlassen. Nun will ich nicht jedem AfuaM-Bruder unterstellen er sei kein Christ. Aber: In dieser Lehrart wird in der Tat relativiert, die Weltreligionen werden als gleichwertig angesehen, keine Religion wird als "die wahre Religion" betrachtet.
Keine Phrase dieses nicht über die Religion diskutieren stelltest du ja als die Freiheit zum Glauben des anderen dar unter gleichzeitiger berücksichtigung vom vorhergehenden ist das nichts anderes als eben dieses Verbot des Streites als aufrechterhaltung der Religionsfreiheit eigentlich das Mäntelchen für eben den Synkretismus.------- durch das Mäntelchen der Toleranz und Religionsfreiheit-----
Wieso Mäntelchen? Welche Hinweise hast Du, bis auf Phrasen?
Timotheus hat geschrieben:Ich zerstöre die Kirche??)
Nein, meine liebe Fiore, ich bin im Gegensatz zu Dir nur dialogbereit und diskutiere auch mit Menschen, die eine andere Meinung als ich vertreten.
Thomas Mann (& al.) hat geschrieben:Democracy teaches that everything must be within humanity, nothing against humanity, nothing outside humanity. The dictatorship of humanity, on the basis of a law for the protection of human dignity, is the only rule from which we may hope for life for ourselves and resurrection for the nations that have fallen.
Definite legislation alone, however changeable in its details according to the needs of the times, and vitalized with the ever-flexible suggestions from the trial and error of the unwritten law, can describe the intricate relations of individual rights and social duties, of liberties and discipline. Nothing short of it can steer the Republic between the shoals of a self-destructive leniency and the suicidal contradiction of a fully "authoritarian democracy." But the fundamental principle is that the democratic concept of freedom can never include the freedom to destroy democracy and freedom. If no liberty is granted to the murderer and arsonist, no liberty can be granted to whosoever and whatsoever threaten the divine spirit in man and above man.
This is – in an interpretation suited to the modern mind – the spirit which Christ called the Holy Ghost. In its ultimate sacredness He set a limit to all tolerance and charity. "Wherefore I say unto you, all manner of sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven unto men: but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven unto men."
The President of the United States has said: "Most of us, regardless of what church we belong to, believe in the spirit of the New Testament." The statement is true even for great numbers of people who are not, or never were, under the direct infiuence of the Scriptures. It is true even for most of those who reject all kinds of transcendent belief and cling, or think they cling, to rational knowledge and scientific experiment alone.
The universality of the New Testament, the true catholicity of its religious vision, was first announced by Christ Himself when He added: "And whosoever speaketh a word against the Son of man" – against Christ Hirnself – "it shall be forgiven him: but whosoever speaketh against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him." The religion of the Holy Ghost, and nothing else, is the "spirit of the New Testarnent" of which the President of the United States spoke.
This universal religion, harbored in the minds of our age, this common prayer of democracy militant which must be the hymn of democracy triumphant, was anticipated by sages and saints of all ages. Its substance matured out of whatever rose highest in man's speculations and hopes.
The prophets of Israel contributed the Messianic promise of peace and justice on earth after long struggle, while other religious geniuses farther in Asia contemplated the final identity of man and God beyond all struggle. Greek poetry and philosophy proclaimed the perpetual validity of intellectual ideas and ethical standards, and Rome strove largely under the influente of Stoic philosophy and its Law of Nature – toward some kind of unitary civilization and of equity of law.
Later, the Catholic Church asserted the brotherhood of men under the fatherhood of God and made each soul worthy of salvation through the harmony of God's will and human effort which it called grace and works. The Protestant insurrection overrode all obstacles to the direct communication of the individual with God, thus fundamentally asserting the freedom of man's spirit, while – from enthusiasm for the destination of man – humanism, the Renaissance, the revolutions, the era of Liberalisrn rose. Finally, the optimistic philosophies of enlightenment, which provided a background for America's Declaration of Independence, postulate the primal goodness and nobility of man as a myth conducive to his final nobility and goodness.
In each and all of these particular systems there are humanity and redemption. Each and all of them are comprehended under the all-embracing and all-interpreting religion of the Spirit.
But not even at the peak of liberal self-assurance, or at the bottom of the corruption of liberalism, has an undiscriminating freedom of worship ever been granted in the democratic world. Written and unwritten laws saw to it that obscene and sanguinary cults were proscribed; even milder heresies such as Mormon polygamy were inexorably stamped out. […]
The democratic freedom of worship was never valid beyond the limits of the common faith. It hardly ever extended beyond the Jewish and Christian confessions or those more unusual cults of exotic origin whose essence was akin to that of the Jewish and Christian creeds.
None of these particular creeds reached the universality of the religion of the Spirit, to which all men are witnesses. But none of them willfully and consciously conflicted with the basic tenets on which the world-religion of the Spirit is founded.
The Asiatic doctrines, to be sure, withered in a saintly inertia which made them unable – from Buddhism and earlier down to the present age – to participate decisively in struggle and progress. Tolstoyism itself, a cross of West and East, and Gandhism itself, a cross of East and West, have been unable to offset altogether the debilitating influences of Asia's passive worship and of the commandment of non-resistance to evil.
The prophetic spirit and the heroic universalism of the Hebraic tradition have been and are incessantly expressed in unorthodox and even secular forms of Jewish life. They have brought and bring a contribution of inestimable value to the spirit of democracy. But most of the Synagogue, tempted to this course no doubt by the stern problem of survival which faces the Jewish geople in a hostile world, was overcome by the sterility of its unshakable conservatism aird by the racial stubbornness which severed the orthodox Jew from Jesus, highest of jewish prophets.
No apologetic is needed for the greatness of the Roman Church or for the glory of its achievement in piloting Western man through the Dark Ages. But its catholicity was severely curtailed by its constant temptation to commit the basic error of identifying the Church as a temporal kingdom with the "Kingdom of God" of Christian and prophetic expectation. This error invests the sociologically relative architecture of the Church with an unwarranted aura of unqualified holiness. An ecclesiastical institution buffeted by the vicissitudes of the centuries, conditioned by the mutation of social and political forces, subject to the corruptions which assail all institutions, claims an absoluteness of veneration which is incompatible with its relativity in history. The historical usurps tlae sanctity of the eternal. The consequence is particularly alarming in our day of a desperate fight between democracy and tyranny, for the Church is tempted to make peace with tyranny and come to terms with Fascism, if Fascism promises not to harm the Church as a historical institution and if those tendencies in Fascism and Nazism prevail which are prepared to pervert the Church and make it a subordinate ally of their political plans.
In former ages already Roman Christian Catholicism had often proved Roman – or French, or Spanish, or Austrian – rather than Christian and universal. En more recent years its Syllabus of Errors (1864), the start of a Second Counter-Reformation challenging the liberal world that had risen from Reformation and Renaissance, played into the hands of political and social obscurantism. Its spiritual totalitarianism was exploited both as a pattern and as a tool by the totalitarianism of political and social enslavement. The docility of the Church toward the powers that be and its readiness not only to compromise but also to collaborate with evil, when collaboration is profitable, ushered in the unfortunate Lateran treaties of 1929 by which the Christian Pontificate hitched its wagon to the Fascist star. […]
Freedom-loving, justice-loving Catholics – here as well as in the Latin-Arnerican republics and wherever else they can reawaken to the examples bequeathed by braver ages – will see to it some day that humility in faith be no longer the lure to servility in politics and that allegiance to the City of God be disentangled again from bondage to Vatican City as a foreign potentate in feud or trade with other potentates.
As for the Protestant Churches, much of the vigor with which their founders had opened to man the realm of spiritual freedom was lost in hairsplitting sectarianism and theological trivialities. Most of them, moreover, have sailed without chart and compass between the Scylla of an enervating pessimism which in earlier days promised Heaven by making earth a Hell, and the Charybdis of a pointless optimism which was later borrowed from the philosophy of enlightenment. […]
It follows, them, that none of these vernaculars, however venerable arad lovable, and whatever their right to citizenship, can take the place of the universal language which expresses the common belief of man. The latter explains and annexes all dogmas as symbols; the churches, in the fetters of literalism, anathematize as heresy and error the symbolical meaning that is the dogma's inmost truth. […]
Old cults, developed and crystallized over the centuries, will have the honorable protection of democracy; but no Church, however powerful or far-spreading, can be offìcially acknowledged as a religion of the state, and no Church can be granted primacy or privileges above other churches. Indeed, the desire for such a place of privilege or pre-eminence on the part of any Church would be a measure of its inadequacy to the fundamental principle of democracy. The separation of state and Church, as first provided in the Constitution of the United States, is and remains the base from which arises the supremacy of world-humanism and world-democracy – the catholicity of the common creed, which embraces and interprets every lesser faith.
This common creed already exists; toward its luminous center all higher minds already point, from whatever distant horizon they may set out. The yoke of this creed is as easy as it is inevitable; its doctrines are as plain as they are undebatable. It teaches that a divine intention governs the universe – be it called God or Deity or the Holy Ghost or the Absolute or Logos or even Evolution. The direction of this intention is from matter to life and from life to spirit, from chaos to order, from blind strife and random impulse to conscience and moral law, from darkness to light. […]
The legacies of Greece and Palestine contribute almost equally to this creed. Passages of Plato foreshadow it. Tenets from the Lord's Prayer still sound and ever will sound adequate to it: "Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven." […]
For years to come, our fight for survival will of necessity foster this democratic brotherhood of sacrifice – if we are brothers enough to survive. But that brotherhood must survive even victory. The primary groups of family, educational association, neighborhood, and church – each of them with its specific attributes and all of them with their combined contributions to the general purpose – must be restored in new forms with new life. This is tantamount to stating that a constitutional reform of democracy cannot be founded but on the spirit of a new religion. […]
The second issue, therefore – to whose basic quality we are immediately referred from our first approach to the most visible aspect of the democratic crisis – contemplates the relations between the community as a whole and the separate churches. It asks for definite tenets embodying the universal religion of Democracy, which shall underlie each and all of them. For virtually all of them have meddled in the anarchy of the nations and bowed to the powers that be. […] Therefore the hour has struck when we must know what limits are set by the religion of freedom, which is democracy, to the freedom of worship, and of what God we talk when we repeat, from the Gettysburg Address, that "this nation," and with this nation the world, "must have a new birth of freedom under God."
In broad terms the task here is to determine what religious and ethical traditions are of greater or lesser value for the preservation and growth of the democratic principle. This task is obviously one which cannot be fulfilled by amateurish attempts to emulsify in sentimental combinations the contrasting religions without any one of them forgoing any one of its claims or even so much as dulling the edge of its inherent dogmatic intolerance.
The attempt which we propose is of another kind – not toward confusion but toward clarification. An inquiry into the religious heritage of the Western world should try to discover which of its elements are more apt to co-operate with the democratic community and consequently more deserving of protection and help by it, and whether other elements, conversely, are by their nature and content so committed to the support of Fascist and other autocratic philosophies and intrinsically so inimical to democracy, or at least so ambiguous, as to become a source of additional danger in the hour of peril. Such an inquiry also should help to disclose whether and in how far religious and ethical traditions which emphasize freedom and the rights of the individual may obscure or neglect the collective duties and responsibilities which democratic communities must assume. It should likewise make clear whether and to what extent perfectionist principles in religious faiths and cults, while helpful in detecting the relative evils and errors of specific historic conclusions, may enervate the will to defend and to extend relative justice, and bring confusion into the choices between greater and lesser evils which constitute the alternatives of all collective decisions.
The results of analyses of this kind would determine the attitudes of the sovereign democratic society toward the particular religious associations within it. That Nazism, like any other species of totalitarian nationalism, has tried to annihilate or at least humiliate all religious communities is a tribute to their virtue as bearers of supra-temporal and supra-national loyalties. But if such loyalties are not expressed and organized in the frame of uncompromising devotion to the universality of God and man, the confessions and churches within the nation are only too liable to succumb to enslavement by the state and to hire themselves for despotic purposes. This is the pitfall of Protestant sects. On the other hand, if the supra-national loyalties are expressed and organized in political terms, the members of a supra-national church may prove equally prone, although for different motives, to become the tools of political plans inimical to democracy and claiming universal validity while actually serving very special interests.
This is the danger of Roman Catholicism. The Communist International, with its questionable relations to Russian foreign policy, is a secularized version of a supranational religion with political commitments. In some of its ways it acts as an heir to the Eastern or old Tsarist church.
The problem admits of no easy solution. Its juridical and constitutional alternatives are heavily strained between the opposite risks of democracy's forfeiting its freedom of worship and of democracy's inviting treason – more effective when cloaked with piety and justified by faith. Yet the difficulties themselves testify to the gravity of the problem and to its compelling timeliness. Already the blundering and bungling of democracy whenever a new sect, like Jehovah's Witnesses, steps unexpectedly to the fore, or its helplessness whenever an older religion wins a degree of influente beyond the limits to which the era of pragmatic liberalism had been comfortably accustomed, is token enough of a situation which bids for a vigorous, however judicious, revision of habits and laws. To be sure, separation of state and church must remain the premise of the democratic law on religions. But separation, in this field too, was degraded to isolationism or pretended aloofness and willful ignorante. Its consequences are increasingly visible in practices of unctuous collusion and mutual bribery between state and churches. In this field too, as in the general field of civil liberties in constitutional order, the sovereignty of the democratic community must stand above the liberty of each particular group, and the negative outline of the limits prescribed by self-restraint and liberal tolerance must be filled with positive knowledge and criticism – or even permit intervention when the latter becomes the lesser evil.
The same group of experts entrusted with the study of the issue of religion should explore the conflicts and solutions in the issue of education. The two are at bottom one and the same, since, as was authoritatively stated, "education in Western democracy has been the substitute for a national – and supra-national – religion." Here too the problem is to preserve the advantages of unhampered opinion and research while preventing the freedom of learning from being used as a cover for the evil-doings of the "historic relativism" and the "healthy skepticism" that have made our generations lose their way. The pruning of this tree of freedom will not make it less fruitful. The organization of learning, with colleges and universities at the top of its structure, has built and builds the preparatory ground where democratic aristocracies are trained for leadership. But no aristocracy or leadership can subsist without a firm footing in inflexible principles and unshakable values. A reorientation of education and a supervision of its aims should be undertaken from this angle.
It will not be forgotten, however, that the educational system of the Western democracies has been and still is, in spite of its shortcomings, the most conspicuous asset for the maintenance of our civilizatian. The obstacles to creative endeavor have been of the obstructive rather than of the destructive sort. Colleges and universities have even developed, almost spontaneously, in their chapel services and exercises a provisional model for an unsectarian liturgy – virtually adequate to a new religion outside the literal fences of each separate faith and embracing the spiritual substance of all.
Wenn sich das Lehramt dazu geäußert hat- und das hat es in den beiden von dir angeführten Punkten, sind Meinungen irrelevant; es mag ja auch katholiken geben, die die Gottesmutter als in die Trinität aufgenommen betrachten, und - ihre Meinung ist falsch.Timotheus hat geschrieben:. Selbst innerhalb der katholischen Kirche gibt es ja unzählige Meinungen, ob wir da nehmen die Schwangerschafts-Verhütung, die priesterliche Pflicht zum Zölibat oder was auch immer.
Das ist ja interessant. Jetzt geht es nicht mehr darum, daß die Erde eine Scheibe sei, sondern darum, ob die Erde sich um die Sonne drehe.Timotheus hat geschrieben:Denken wir doch mal daran, wie Menschen über dem Feuer geröstet wurden, etwa weil sie sagten die Erde drehe sich um die Sonne. Wissenschaftler wurden gefoltert und ermordet, weil sie nicht den Thesen der Kirche folgen wollten. Heute wissen wir, wieviele von ihnen als Wissenschaftler recht hatten.
Das ist in beiden Fällen ein Irrtum. Es gibt zwar von beiden Sachen Ausnahmen, im Normalfall ist jedoch sowohl die "natürliche Verhütung" nicht erlaubt, als auch (in der lateinischen Kirche) das Priesterzölibat verpflichtend.Linus hat geschrieben:(im Übrigen sagt die Kirche zur "Verhütung" nichts abschlegiges, wenn es unter der "Ausnutzung" der unfruchtbaren Tage der Frau passiert. und das Priesterzölibat ist keineswegs eine Pflicht, es gibt praktizierende in ämter eingesetzte Priester der kirche, die verheiratet und eine ganze menge kinder haben.)
Deswegen hab ich ja Hochkomma bei der Verhütung verendet, weil es Empfängnisregelung ist.Leguan hat geschrieben:Das ist in beiden Fällen ein Irrtum. Es gibt zwar von beiden Sachen Ausnahmen, im Normalfall ist jedoch sowohl die "natürliche Verhütung" nicht erlaubt, als auch (in der lateinischen Kirche) das Priesterzölibat verpflichtend.Linus hat geschrieben:(im Übrigen sagt die Kirche zur "Verhütung" nichts abschlegiges, wenn es unter der "Ausnutzung" der unfruchtbaren Tage der Frau passiert. und das Priesterzölibat ist keineswegs eine Pflicht, es gibt praktizierende in ämter eingesetzte Priester der kirche, die verheiratet und eine ganze menge kinder haben.)
ich (und so manche - da ist wohl dem PontMax wohl die pC Sicherung "durchgebrannt" ) auch: die Kirche ist heilig, daher ohne Schuld und Sünde. Was einzelne Schäfchen der Herde (ge)macht haben, steht auf einem anderen Blatt.Timotheus hat geschrieben:Lieber Legaun, ich fragte nach dem Sinn des Mea Culpa, wenn die Kirche doch immer so unschuldig an allem war?
ich meinte den "Katholischen Durchschnittssünder" wie zum Beispiel:mich.Timotheus hat geschrieben:@ Linus
Der Papst ist also nur ein kleines Schäfchen in der Herde? Interessant. Dann war die Aktion Johannes Pauls II. im heiligen Jahr 2000 also nur eine Art Einzelaktion eines unwissenden, katholischen Gläubigen?
Wer ist hier bitteschön "fanatisch" in dem Sinne, daß er zum Mord aus religiösen Motiven aufgerufen haben sollte?Timotheus hat geschrieben:Diese Einstellung erinnert mich übrigens sehr stark an selbsternannte Gotteskrieger, die es für notwendig erachten, "im Namen Allahs" Menschen zu ermorden. Das Gebot "Du sollst nicht töten" ist also immer differenziert zu betrachten, oder wie?
Religiöser Fanatismus ist immer dann gefährlich, wenn er Gewalt und Unrecht legitimieren will.
Und genau damit betreibst Du das "Geschäft" der atheistischen Kirchenfeinde ...............Timotheus hat geschrieben:Ich habe nur festgestellt, dass Verfehlungen von Kirchen-Fürsten hier zum Großteil, bzw. von allen, nicht eingestanden werden, somit also Judenverfolgung, Teile der Inquisition und Glaubenskriege als Nicht-Sünde bzw. Wille Gottes eingestuft werden.
Tolle lege:Timotheus hat geschrieben:Und noch eine Frage, damit mir nicht wieder unterstellt wird, ich lenke vom Thema ab:
Warum haben wir so viele christliche Pfarrer als Brüder in unserem Orden, wenn wir angeblich einen "Luzifergott" oder wen auch immer anbeten?
Du meinst Judas? Wenn Du ja so belesen wärest, wie Du uns hier weismachen willst, dann wüsstest Du, dass der Briefschreiber Judas nicht identisch ist mit dem Verräter Judas.Timotheus hat geschrieben:@ Raphael
Im Gegensatz zum Autor des von dir zitierten Briefes, habe ich Christus nie verraten.
Der Namen-Patron hat diesen Brief von seinem Lehrer - Paulus - erhalten, aus dem dieses Zitat stammt.Timotheus hat geschrieben:@ Raphael
Ein wunderbares Zitat meines Namens-Patrones hast Du da gefunden - Gratulation!
Timotheus
Unser Freimaurer weiß nicht, dass der Verräter Judas nicht identisch ist mit dem Briefschreiber Judas.Raphael hat geschrieben:@ Timotheus
Damit wärest Du sündenfrei ......Timotheus hat geschrieben:@ Raphael
Im Gegensatz zum Autor des von dir zitierten Briefes, habe ich Christus nie verraten.
Eine sehr stolze Behauptung!![]()
GsJC
Raphael
Wer predigt was von wessen Sündenfreiheit? Ich bin gewiss, dass selbst der Papst weiß, dass er vor Gott ein Sünder ist und täglich seine Vergebung braucht.Timotheus hat geschrieben:@ Irene
Ich nicht allwissend und hatte gerade nicht das Bedürfnis danach, alles nachzublättern.
Ich finde es viel unglaubwürdiger von der Sünden-Freiheit der Kirchen-Vertreter zu predigen und gleichzeitig der Frage nach Sinn und Zweck des Mea Culpa auszuweichen.